This century entwined cacao consumption with the Mayo Chinchipe-Marañón culture of 5,300 years ago.
Genomic studies hail their Upper Ecuadorian Amazon region as cacao’s origin, connecting ancient strains to the rare Nacional variety, a ‘Fine Flavour cacao’ revered for its distinctive sensory qualities.
Cacao’s millennial journey spanned the Amazon Valley, crossed the Andes, and reached the Pacific coast, spreading to Mesoamerica. The Olmecs crafted and consumed cacao beverages, a tradition that endured with the Maya and Aztecs, who wove cacao into daily life as a revitalizing drink, a sacred elixir, and even currency. Its deep theological roots are reflected in the tree's scientific name, ‘Theobroma cacao’ (Linnæus, 1740), which, in the Mexica empire’s Náhuatl, was called ‘cacahuacuáhuitl,’ its fruit ‘cacahuacintli’ (‘cacao ear’), and its seeds just ‘cacao’ or ‘cacaoatl.’ The word 'chocolate' likely derives from this term, with 'ātl' meaning water, or from a blend of this and 'xococ' ('cosa agra,' sour). Countless trees were sacrificed to paper for this etymology. It traversed the seas in assorted iterations to name cacao-based beverages: 'Cocoatl' (1550s), 'Chachanatl' (1556), and 'Chocolatl' (1570s) and the Spaniards swiftly tamed the flow with their 'e.’

First recorded as ‘coyn’ in Middle English (1150–1500), from Old French ‘coigne’ (‘wedge, die for stamping’) and Latin ‘cuneus’ (‘wedge’). It replaced Middle English ‘mynt’ (from Old English ‘mynet’), from Latin ‘monēta.’
A standardized metal piece issued by a governing authority, marked to indicate its value. Beyond its economic function, it asserts control, upholds social hierarchies, and projects power and cultural identity. Staters (’weight’), one of the earliest known coins, were struck by the Ancient Greeks around the 7th century BCE in what is now western Turkey. Made of electrum, a natural alloy of gold and silver, these pieces had nugget-like shapes with designs (‘types’) on the obverse and incuse punches on the reverse. “…but coinage (νόμισμα, nomisma) has come to serve, by convention, as a substitute for needs. For this reason, it is called nomisma — because it exists not by nature, but by law (νόμῳ, nomos), and it is within our power to alter it and render it useless.”

“At in Cacaua Quahuitl, magna deteguntur humanæ fortis volumina. In verteri siquidem Orbe, perq. prisca illa tempora, quæ vitæ hominum erant hecessaria, atque adeo apud alios cumdeessent quærenda, non rependebantur ære. Nondum aureus argenteusuè nummus circumferebatur, aut pecudum, Regumue, aut Principum simulacra metallis cernebantur insculpta. rerum viuebatur permutatione, vt olim factum cecinit Homerus, & fructuum quos recondebant facta alijs copia, mutuum ferebatur auxilium. tandem æra percussa, atque signata sunt, & mille rerum effigies numismatis impressæ conspiciebantur. at in nouum hunc mundum nunquam auritiæ signa penetrauerant, aut caput erexerat ambitio, donec nostri, velis ventouè deuecti, impetum fecere. non vsque adeo splendebant illis argentum atque aurum quibus præcipuè abundabant; auium pulcherrimarum plumæ, lintea quædam gossippina, & gemmæ, quæ ea fert affatim sua sponte tellus, erat diutiarum, & copiarum summa. nondum Armillæ, torques, aut bracialia, nisi fortassis concinnata è floribus, plebi innotuerant, aut Margaritæ erant illis in pretio. nudi penè incedebant, vitam degebant hilarem. neque vastos congerendi thesauros, aut rei familiaris augendæ, veluti de futuro parum sollicitos, cura euigilabat. in diem viuebatur, indulgebatur genio, humili sorte, sed tranquilla & felici, & potissimis naturæ bonis magna cum iucunditate potibantur. Semen Cacauatl erat illis pro nummo, & eo præcipua vitæ præmio, cum opus erat, comparabantur. duratq. in hodiernum vsque diem non paucis in locis hic mos. Quid ni? Quando quibusdam orientalium gentium Cochleæ Veneriæ, & alijs folia quarumdam arborum, & alijs alia pecuniæ gerunt vices. quin & ex eodem semine, quo commercia inibantur, feruebant emporia, & in varios dominos illius ope mercimonia transferebantur. concinnabantq. potum, nodum vini consiciendi ratione reperta, cum tamen nonnulla Vitium syluestrium, ac genera labruscarum apud illos suanpre natura in syluis passim prouenirent, arboresque, & frutices, quibus aduoluenbantur, vuis, acinisq. variorum colorum, & pampinis condecorarent, atque gratuitate sua, incuruarent.”

Hernandez, F. (ca. 1570–1577). De cacaua quahuit seu arbore cacai. In: De materia medica Novae Hispaniae Philippi Secundi Hispaniarum ac Indiarum regis invictissimi iussu. Manuscript, transcribed by Recchi, L. A. [El Escorial, Madrid? : s.n., 1582?], ff.64l–66l. Originally in Latin.

“Verily, in the cacao tree, great things disclose the volumes of human strength. Indeed, in the ancient world, and in those early times, when the necessities of human life were essential, and even when goods had to be sought from others in their absence, they were not exchanged for money. Neither gold nor silver coins were yet in circulation, nor were the images of cattle, kings, or princes stamped in metal. People lived by barter, as Homer once sang of the past, and with the abundance of fruits they stored for others, mutual aid was carried out. Finally, metals were struck and stamped, and thousands of images of things were seen impressed on coins. However, into this new world, never had the signs of avarice penetrated, nor had ambition raised its head, until our people, carried by wind and sail, made their assault. Did not glitter so much for them the silver and gold, which particularly abounded; feathers of the most beautiful birds, certain cotton cloths, and gems, which the earth freely produces in abundance, were the sum of their wealth and riches. Not yet armlets, necklaces, or bracelets, unless perhaps those made from flowers, had become known to the common people, nor were pearls of value to them. They mostly marched naked, living a cheerful life. Neither did they amass vast treasures nor increase family wealth, being little concerned about the future, nor did worry ever arise. They lived by the day, indulging in their inclinations with humble fortune, but tranquil and happy, and enjoying the greatest natural goods with great delight. Cacao seeds (Cacauatl) were for them as money, and they were the main reward of life. When needed, they were exchanged and this custom persists to this day in many places. Why Not? When to some Eastern peoples Venus' shells, and others leaves of certain trees, and to others other things take the place of money. Moreover,from this cacao seed, by which commerce was begun, they conducted trading and goods were transferred to various masters with its aid, and they prepared a beverage with a method discovered similar to the making of wine, although certain wild vines and types of grapes naturally grew in abundance in their forests, along with trees and shrubs – to which they clung – laden with fruits of various colours and decorated with leaves, bending gracefully with their own bounty.”

Hernandez, F. (ca. 1570–1577). De cacaua quahuit seu arbore cacai. In: De materia medica Novae Hispaniae Philippi Secundi Hispaniarum ac Indiarum regis invictissimi iussu. Manuscript, transcribed by Recchi, L. A. [El Escorial, Madrid? : s.n., 1582?], ff.64l–66l. Originally in Latin, translated by antipodes café, 2024.

UNDER CONSTRUCTION

HEART AND BLOOD
—
In ancient Mesoamerica, cacao seeds were entwined with the divine. The Postclassic Maya honored Ek Chuah, their merchant and cacao deity, with an April festival. This edible currency was evoked through the metaphor ‘yollotli, eztli’ (heart, blood). While their exploitation was reserved for the elite, by the Late Classic period, cacao could be consumed across all walks of life. However, ordinary people didn’t get poorer wittingly by swallowing their coins, furthermore it was never drunk without permission—otherwise, heart and blood.

A MAN NAMED JUAN (i)
—
Named for his skin, Juan Moreno (or Prieto) became the first known African descendant to reach the ‘New World’. As Columbus' servant, he was not a chattel slave, yet bore the Admiral's wrath—as revealed in a 1500 inquiry into cruelty during Hispaniola's governance (now Haiti/Dominican Republic). In 1501, Ferdinand and Isabella authorized the future governor of the island to import Christianized African slaves (ladinos). This marked a crucial step for institutionalizing the transatlantic slave trade in the Americas. The following year, the monarchs backed Columbus' fourth voyage but urged him to bypass Hispaniola and refrain from taking slaves. On this exploratory mission, his son chronicled the first European encounter with cacao after seizing a canoe near Guanaja Island, carrying: “(…) many of those almonds, which the people of New Spain use as currency; these seemed to be highly esteemed by them, for when their load was placed on the ship, I noticed that if any of these almonds fell, everyone immediately bent down to pick it up, as if they had lost an eye: (…)” After the Admiral's death, Moreno partook in the colonization of Central America, but named Juan Portugués.

A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE
—
Tenochtitlan ended June 1520 with a sorrowful night for the Spanish conquerors. Bernal Díaz recorded his lack of greed for gold and focus on survival, justifying a swift collection of only four known precious stones from a small pot. Without Hernán Cortés noticing—as he soon thereafter secured the entire lot—the soldier of fortune escaped with nothing less concealed in his chest than the cost of living for 240 years, or 60 ‘xiquipillis’ of cacao (ca. 7 modern sacks), or 120 high-quality slaves—those who know how to dance.

‘FELICI MONETA’
—
Slavery in the Mesoamerica differed, it was not inherently tied to race. Freedom was often temporarily alienated through contracts, usually to settle debts. For instance, individuals could sell themselves or their children, but slavery wasn’t hereditary—as with the Aztec Empire’s key founder. Slaves could have families and property, including slaves. Enslaved people were mostly women, as the workers of the oldest profession. Prostitutes often turned to slavery when aging or becoming less attractive. In Nicaragua, a session with a prostitute could cost 8 to 10 cacao seeds. The idea of money growing on trees attracted the conquerors. In October 1520, Cortés described cacao as “a fruit like almonds, that they sell ground; and they have it in such quantities that it is treated as currency throughout their lands, and with it are bought all necessary things in markets and elsewhere.” Yearly, Tenochtitlan reaped about 25 million seeds in tributes. In 1521, Zuazo noted, “There is a coin among them with which they buy and sell, called cacahuate; it is the fruit of certain highly prized trees, from which they make another concoction for great lords, which they say is a very delicate thing.” The anonymous conqueror added, “this coin, though very inconvenient, is the most common after gold and silver, and the one most used of all that are in those lands.” [Cacao is also] “the healthiest and most substantial food known in the world, for those who drink a cup of it, even after a full day's work, can spend the entire day without needing anything else.” Driven by a thirst for wealth, the conquerors quickly turned their focus to cacao, looting Moctezuma's vast reserves and later controlling and expanding its production—essentially minting what D’Anghiera described in 1524 as the ‘felici moneta.’

A MAN NAMED JUAN (ii)
—
From scratch, the Atlantic trade proved profitable for merchants and, moreover, for the Iberian Crowns, who taxed the sales and enriched with African slaves performing any task in the conquest of the Americas—even as cannon fodder, lured by freedom and land. In some expeditions, they outnumbered the Spaniards, but for the conquest of Mexico, few partook due to their high cost. A 50-peso slave in Europe doubled in price across the ocean, reaching 16 xiquipillis of cacao (ca. 2 modern sacks). Only the privileged could count that amount of seeds—such as Cortés’s cousin and secretary, Alonso Valiente, who bought and baptised a young Wolof, renaming him Juan Valiente. Residing in Puebla since its foundation, and after years of servitude, in 1533, both agreed on manumission for the shares of four years of conquest expeditions.
Pizarro’s campaign was regularly supplied with African slaves, including two for his personal use: a master of artillery and Juan, who became a military commander. Pursuing his goal, Juan left Peru with Almagro and later joined Valdivia. Having a horse, he commanded the slaves; as a slave, he commanded the horses. Juan survived the Andes and the early stages of the brutal conquest of Chile. In Santiago, his freedom saw its foundation: he was granted an estate, learned about nursing, and married Juana, a former African slave of Valdivia, who, years later, gave Juan a large encomienda—an exploitative system through which the Spanish Crown granted settlers the right to extract labour and tribute from Indigenous peoples, often working them to death. Running a distinguished repartimiento de indios near Concepción, Juan continued living and fighting as a free man, but his payment never reached Antonio. He never knew he died a slave, technically speaking, and nobody knows the names of those under his encomienda, nor if any joined the Battle of Tucapel and still fight for Wallmapu, nor if any ever convinced Juan to become that sort of Valiente.

‘A NEW GUINEA’
—
The insanely destructive force of the European invasion forged the very essence of conquest. But forced depopulation did not vanquish the colonizers' insatiable greed, nor did it compel them
to become labourers. On the contrary, it stoked the furnace of the transatlantic slave trade, through both official and black markets, facilitating a forced repopulation with what Europeans deemed more resilient and profitable labour, iron branding African Slavery on their colonies. In 1530, Spanish historian Fernández de Oviedo dubbed Hispaniola “a new Guinea” —echoed by de Castellanos in his ‘Elegías de Varones Ilustres de las Indias’:

“… Faltaua ya de indios el avio
Por el vniuerſal acabamiento,
De ſuerte que hay en eſtas heredades
Negros en exceſsiuas cantidades.
Tienen la tierra qual ſe deſſea
En temple y abundancia coſa rica,
En grande aumento va cada ralea,
Y con grande vigor ſe multiplica,
Tanto, que ya parecen ſer Guinea,
Hayti, Cuba, Sant Ioan y Iamayca; …”

By 1542, the island included 30,000 African slaves, 1,100 whites, and just 200 native indigenous from an estimated 400,000 in 1492. But not just African slavery augmented constantly and dramatically, prices too. Between mid 1540s and 1551 cacao price rose more than a threefold, and because of depopulation of natives, increase of settlers and expansion of any production, wages of unskilled Indian labourers in Mexico -typically overworked–rose by 400 percent between 1530's to early 1570's. Central Mexico reduced its native population 80% between 1519 and 1597.
Understanding cacao as currency and removing local taboos against the lower class consumption of cacao, Spanish encomenderos early developed profitable private plantations and expanded cultivation on new areas, firstly with labour as tribute and gradually adding African slaves to sustain and expand production for wholesale. Thus, cacao was expanded to Trinidad in 1525 and gradually across all tropical suitable conquered lands.9

The techniques for preparing chocolate were brought to Spain, possibly at the Monasterio de Piedra in 1534, though the specifics of this event remain debated. These methods were closely guarded by Spanish authorities.8

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